The PMR President Vadim Krasnoselsky:
First of all I want to thank you for your work and congratulate you on Diplomat's Day, of course. Congratulations to you, Vitaly Viktorovich, to the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to you, Leonid Afanasyevich, and to all the staff of our mission in the Russian Federation. Of course, special thanks to the Foreign Ministers of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and to the Co-Chair of the Joint Control Commission from Russian Federation. You are all diplomats. I want to congratulate you and wish you the following.
We hear talk of supposed double standards and triple standards. There are no such standards in reality. There are the interests of the people and the interests of the state. If the interests of the people and the interests of the state conflict with any norm, even the law, even international law, then the powerful take the interests of the people and the interests of the state as their basis. That's all. It's very simple, really. Therefore, I wish you to be strong and always pursue the interests of the people and the state. Everything else is secondary. Perhaps that's that's the way the world is today. If you listen carefully to strong leaders, they talk about the interests of the people and the state. So be strong and defend these interests. I wish you success in this.
Regarding the situation, regarding the report, I cannot limit myself to just congratulations. If you listen carefully to Vitaly Viktorovich Ignatiev, he was absolutely right: the concept is the absence of a negotiation process between Pridnestrovie and Moldova. I still want to delve a little deeper into the history of this process. Why did this happen? After all, today's relations are the conclusion of all the events that have occurred to date, by and large. This is the conclusion. This is what we already have. They didn't just happen suddenly. No. There must be something behind this.
We must remember this, we must know this, we must be guided by this. I want to recall 1989. August 31st. When the Moldovan Parliament, still under the Soviet Union, adopted a law on languages. What language was the law regarding? On one language – Moldovan as the state language, the titular language in the Latin script. In fact, it was still called Moldovan, but in reality, it was already Romanian. Moldova accepted it. The Moldovan Parliament. The rotten leadership of the Soviet Union, which betrayed our Motherland under the name of the Soviet Union, did not react to this event in any way. Although, by and large, the foundation was laid for the Romanian vector of development of the neighboring territory known as historical Bessarabia – modern-day Moldova. Then they managed to change the name of the language. Moldovan was replaced by Romanian. The first document was the Declaration of Independence, which has the highest legal force in Moldova (dated August 27, 1991). Then there were amendments to the Constitution and other normative documents. Today, the Romanian language and the corresponding script in this country are used. There was no room for the Russian language there, nor for any other languages.
I want to point out that all these problems shouldn't be blamed solely on Moldova's current leadership. No. By and large, not a single leader, including the so-called pro-Russian ones, has restored Russian's status as the state language. Although everyone had the opportunity, they didn't do it. They don't need it. They're all infected with the virus of single-nation titularity. What kind of nation can we talk about today?
If we're talking about the negotiation process as such, we must clearly understand in whose interests we're doing this. Please, read the Constitution. Of course, in the interests of the people. Therefore, the next question is: which people? Well, let's go back to the peoples living on the banks of the Dniester. If we're talking about the territory of historical Bessarabia, modern Moldova (not Moldova, but Moldova – according to the law and the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova), we can say that we are witnessing the formation of a new Bessarabian Romanian people. Why do I say this? Because the language is Romanian, according to the Declaration, the Constitution, and all other documents (we've already discussed this), Romanian literature, Romanian history, and so on. I didn't invent this. I certainly don't intend to humiliate anyone. I treat everyone equally and with understanding. It's a fact: we are witnessing the formation of a new Bessarabian Romanian people. At the same time, what people live here, on the left bank, in Pridnestrovie? What people live here? Romanian? No. Simply Moldovan? Also no. Russian, Ukrainian? No. We are home to the multinational Pridnestrovian people, made up of 72 nationalities and ethnic groups. 72! The main groups are clear: Russians, Moldovans, and Ukrainians. And three official languages: Russian, Moldovan, and Ukrainian, respectively. Although we are developing the traditions of all the peoples living specifically in Pridnestrovie. So, esteemed diplomats, especially diplomats from Pridnestrovie, you must clearly understand that the state acts in the interests of its people. You act in the interests of the Pridnestrovian people, and Moldovan politicians act in the interests of the emerging Bessarabian Romanian nation. That's all. Take this as a basis, and you will answer for yourself the question of why this is happening today.
The people are the foundation. Irreversible processes began after the adoption of the language law. Not only was their homeland taken from the people in the early 2000s, but their language was also taken away, their native Russian language. It's like taking away Ukrainian from the Ukrainians, or Polish from the Poles. Of course, this provokes protests. There were protests. The people rose up to defend their language, their identity, and ultimately, that which shapes both tradition and history here, in Pridnestrovie. Of course, the people rose up to defend themselves, to defend their values.
Yes, a tragic event occurred, the collapse of the Soviet Union. I've already compared this event. Imagine someone's wallet with money stolen at the market. It's very upsetting. A vehicle stolen, that's also unpleasant, an apartment – that's also very unpleasant. But just think: our homeland was stolen from us in one day. From everyone! Do you understand? Our homeland was stolen! This great homeland called the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union. It was stolen. We no longer had a homeland. Everything else is secondary. Everything can be restored, you can earn money, but you can't bring back your homeland.
Irreversible processes began after this. A parade of sovereignties. What's interesting here? While all the Soviet republics voted for their sovereignty and independence, Moldova went further than anyone else. They renounced Pridnestrovie by voting for their sovereignty. They renounced Pridnestrovie legally, and then de facto. This de jure and de facto renunciation gave rise to other serious problems. The people of Pridnestrovie didn't exist for them legally. We were simply denied assistance – central Chisinau. Murders were committed in Pridnestrovie, whether for criminal or political reasons, and the Moldovan prosecutor's office refused to accept complaints. The people were left completely unprotected. Naturally, the people were forced to create Pridnestrovie for their own protection: their lives, health, everyday life, language, territory, and property. Thus began the formation of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic.
Of course, nations give birth to their heroes. There was a war in 1992. Who are the heroes in Pridnestrovie? Who defended the people, the children, the elderly. Who are the heroes in Moldova? Those who came here with weapons, who shot and killed. Ilascu, for example. A terrorist who shot people in the back of the head and who was awarded the highest orders in Moldova. When he passed away last year, Moldova declared national mourning. No comment. Just a statement. What does this indicate? About different peoples and different heroes.
Let's take, for example, history textbooks, modern history, in a neighboring country. They're called "History of the Romanians and World History". What do we see in these textbooks? Antonescu is a hero. This fascist monster and inhuman being is a hero. And what about the Soviet soldier-liberator? Let me remind you, the Soviet soldier-liberator was the person who put out the stoves in Nazi camps all over Europe, stoves that were fueled by human bones. This is so that it's clear who the Soviet soldier-liberator is. So, he's an occupier in the Romanian history textbooks taught in Bessarabian schools. You see, an occupier. What's there to say? Then there are other heroes again. Those who liberated all of Europe from Nazi-fascist ideology are heroes in our country. This is evidenced by all the monuments erected to these heroes on our territory. Their hero is Antonescu. A fascist and a Nazi. I've already asked a question, rhetorical of course: why should we in Pridnestrovie study the history of the Romanians? Just a moment. Romanian statehood never extended to the territory of Pridnestrovie. Never. Yes, there was an episode of the so-called “transnistria”. But let me remind you, it was a governorate, a Romanian governorate, Nazi, fascist, with its capital in Odessa. Territorially, the territory of modern-day Pridnestrovie was also included in it. What was Antonescu's Nazis famous for? They shot and tortured 400000 citizens here on the territory of modern-day Pridnestrovie. 400000 citizens. They created more than 150 ghettos and concentration camps. Yes, this is the "history of the Romanians" here, on the territory of our state. It's bad history. Of course, we are studying it, and we will continue to study it. We will definitely study all of history. The history of Pridnestrovie, our region, our people. This is also part of the negotiation process. There are different peoples, different ideologies, different languages, different heroes, and, accordingly, different values. It's all a complex matter, really.
We're gradually approaching the negotiation process now. Of course, it's worth remembering that there were casualties after the 1992 war. More than 800 people died on the Pridnestrovian side, mostly civilians. Moldova hasn't had a legal assessment of this criminal act, this crime to this day. There's no legal assessment. It's a very dangerous situation indeed without a legal assessment. This only means they're justifying these war criminals. Therefore, everything could repeat itself without a legal assessment. Only a legal assessment can put an end to a historical event. Here's an example. Our colleagues from Abkhazia and South Ossetia are sitting here. Georgia has essentially assessed the actions of President Saakashvili and directly stated that he is to blame for the aggression against Ossetia in 2008. This is an act, it's normal. It's awareness. We don't have that. We need to demand it, Vitaly Viktorovich. We mustn't forget this. We must remember and talk about it and constantly ask. Where is the legal assessment? Give it, formulate it. We already understand that Antonescu is their hero. Face the consequences dated 1992. Yes. By the way, not a single president, whoever there was, I don't want to list them. They lacked the spirit, perhaps? Or what was lacking? Lacking conscience?
Today, the "5+2" format doesn't work. When did it stop working? This is also very important to understand. Who, so to speak, broke this "5+2" format? It was Mr. Dodon who did it, while he was President of Moldova. It was his political representative who refused to sign the final document of the "Permanent Conference..." of the "5+2" format in Bratislava in October 2019. He also refused to sign it in Munich a month later, when he was given the opportunity. What was Dodon and his team pursuing in 2019? There was 2020 then. The process wasn't resumed. Then the president changed. But the negotiation process must continue. There were still two years before the war between Russia and Ukraine. The negotiation process never began. Therefore, when they now say that the "5+2" format cannot be assembled precisely because of the fighting in Ukraine... Yes, of course, there is a certain objective factor, but if we recall history, it is also subjective, because there was an opportunity to do so for two or three years before the outbreak of hostilities. This was not done. What does this indicate? A reluctance to sit down at the negotiating table. Why the reluctance? Yes, perhaps some people understand what I just said above: about different peoples, different values, different heroes. Probably about the impossibility of reaching a normal agreement. Naturally, we are seeing pressure in the absence of a negotiation process: pressure on the economy, pressure on the political situation, pressure on our citizens, everywhere, on the citizens of Pridnestrovie. This is bad. This is a violation of human rights. A direct violation of human rights, of human freedoms.
A very important characteristic when it comes to human rights is participation in elections. Let's take the recent elections in Moldova – both presidential and parliamentary. Especially parliamentary. What did we observe? A week before the elections, all the bridges were closed, supposedly for repairs, meaning logistics were disrupted. On election day, they were all "mined" – supposedly mined, of course. Polling stations were also "mined" – supposedly mined. Polling stations closed 3, 5, 6 hours before the end of the elections. Ballots disappeared, were missing somewhere. And so on. People were simply not allowed to the ballot box. Pridnestrovian people who hold Moldovan citizenship. So what conclusion can we draw here? Moldova's categorical fear of Pridnestrovian participation in the electoral processes of this state. The Parliament Speaker Grosu is declaring that Pridnestrovians are alien to Moldova, that Pridnestrovians are an alien people. Well, he's probably right in some ways. We truly are alien. Considering the above, why are we alien? Because we have different heroes, different values, and different histories. That's just the way it is. Not to mention languages, traditions, and national identities. That's how it is. It's sad, of course. Definitely it's bad.
Moldova is our neighbor in any case, no matter how difficult it may be, and we are obliged to build normal, good-neighborly relations. We simply must, Vitaly Viktorovich. Of course, I am grateful to the current Moldovan leadership (I say this openly) for maintaining peace on the banks of the Dniester. This is also their merit. Of course. We can't say that only Pridnestrovie is doing well, and everyone else is to blame. No, absolutely not. Something depends on them, too. We owe them a debt of gratitude as well since there is peace. This is a good platform for contacts, which will continue to exist. I don't know of a single conflict in the world that didn't end at the negotiating table. That's what will happen, no matter what. But at the same time, Pridnestrovie must be brought to this negotiating table as a full participant, with equal rights and equal opportunities. It must act in the interests of the people living in Pridnestrovie, the Pridnestrovian people.
Of course, we have something we've offered our neighbor, Moldova. We offer avenues for cooperation. This includes the economy, the environment, and law enforcement. 16 individuals were detained for smuggling synthetic drugs from Moldova into Pridnestrovie at our checkpoints between Moldova and Pridnestrovie last year. Moreover, these synthetic drugs are unlikely to have been produced in Moldova. As Vitaly Viktorovich has already correctly stated, it is now Moldova's official position that Moldova is gradually becoming a transit country for weapons, ammunition, and drugs. They are also victims in this regard. I have already said, and I repeat, that the checkpoints located between Pridnestrovie and Moldova are not posts against Moldova. These checkpoints are against crime. These checkpoints are for the sake of peace and stability in Pridnestrovie and, in particular, in Moldova. Therefore, we call on our colleagues from Moldova to cooperate in these areas, of course: to jointly fight crime, to jointly solve economic problems, to jointly influence the environment in a positive way. These are avenues for development, and this is absolutely normal. Will they hear us? Time will tell.
I would like to note, of course. I cannot ignore the peacekeeping mission of the Russian Federation. It is under the auspices of the Russian Federation, but peacekeepers from both Pridnestrovie and Moldova are participating in this mission. No one has come up with any other formats for more than 30 years. It's unlikely they ever will. What's being proposed is complete nonsense. The peacekeeping mission under Russia's auspices has proven its effectiveness. Not a single soldier, not a single service member, has been killed in the conflicts in fact. There have been no losses among civil society either in fact. This is encouraging. Of course, until our relations between Pridnestrovie and Moldova are resolved, there can be no talk of withdrawing or replacing the joint Russia-Pridnestrovie-Moldova peacekeeping operation with any other form. It won't work. There's no doubt about that.
Based on this, I will now turn to the tasks for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its staff. Of course, they must do everything possible to resume a normal negotiation process. To this end, they must develop an agenda and ensure that it is focused on the interests of the people living in Pridnestrovie. Furthermore, they must facilitate the successful implementation of the peacekeeping operation in Pridnestrovie. They must protect all citizens of Pridnestrovie, regardless of their location, from the arbitrary actions of various officials. These are the primary tasks. They are the most important. This is the foundation. Once again, I would like to address the diplomats: discard all these notions of double, triple, quadruple, or any other standards. There are the interests of the state and the people living in various countries. I am talking about Pridnestrovie now, about the Pridnestrovian people. Therefore, work in their interests. It cannot be otherwise. Therefore, dear colleagues, dear leaders, dear guests, and participants in today's conversation, I once again congratulate you all on Diplomatic Worker's Day. This is also a kind of front, its own tactics, its own methodology. But we all have one goal: the independence of Pridnestrovie. Thank you very much, and take care.